torstaina, kesäkuuta 05, 2008

Vallankumous aallonpohjassa

Totuuden Sole Lahtinen joutuu tänään raportoimaan ikäviä vallankumousuutisia Latinalaisesta Amerikasta: Kolumbian Farc-sissit elävät aallonpohjassa.
Kolumbian vasemmistolaisella Farc-sissiliikeellä alkaa olla selkä seinää vasten. Liikettä 44 vuotta johtanut sotapäällikkö Manuel Marulanda, 77, on kuollut. Sadat sissit ovat lähteneet Farcista pelkästään tänä vuonna.
Niille, jotka eivät entuudestaan tunne tätä pian varmaankin aallonpohjasta nousevaa Solen vapautussoturien armeijaa, löytyy Wikipediasta seuraava johdanto:
The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (Spanish: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo), also known by the acronym of FARC or FARC-EP, is a self-proclaimed Marxist-Leninist revolutionary guerrilla organization.

The FARC is described as a terrorist group by the Colombian government, the United States Department of State, Canada and the European Union.
Solen sissiliikkeen aktiviteetteihin kuuluu mm. seuraavat kaikille Tasavallan armeijan käyneille tutut sissitoiminnan muodot:
Bombings, murder, mortar attacks, narcotrafficking, kidnapping, extortion, hijacking, as well as guerrilla and conventional military action against Colombian political, military, and economic targets. In March 1999, the FARC executed three US Indian rights activists on Venezuelan territory after it kidnapped them in Colombia. In February 2003, the FARC captured and continues to hold three US contractors and killed one other American and a Colombian when their plane crashed in Florencia. Foreign citizens often are targets of FARC kidnapping for ransom. The FARC has well-documented ties to the full range of narcotics trafficking activities, including taxation, cultivation, and distribution.
Sole taustoittaa lisää.
Kolumbian konflikti on Latinalaisen Amerikan sitkein. Konfliktin osapuolia ovat Farcin lisäksi Yhdysvaltain tukema Kolumbian armeija – ja yhä myös aikoinaan suurtilallisten ja huumemafian avuksi perustetut AUC:n oikeistokaartit.
Että se Suuri Saatanan sitten kehtaa tukea ei-kansandemokraattisen valtion "laillista" armeijaa. Todellinen pimeyden valtakunta kuten Pekka "Psycho" Mykkänen tänään asian ilmaisee.
Obama vastaan Clinton on kuitenkin ollut hyvä maailma. Kamppailun aikana moni on alkanut jälleen uskoa, ettei Yhdysvallat olekaan se pimeyden valtakunta, jollaiseksi se muuttui George W. Bushin vuosina.
Muuten, tästä suurpääoman kätyri AUC:sta lienee Wikipediassa ihan väärät tiedot.
Active: April 1997 - 2006
Both of these massive demobilizations of AUC groups are an apparent improvement over the first one in 2003 in Medellin because on this occasion important leaders turned themselves in and the weapons presented were assault rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers and rockets, rather than the homemade shotguns and old, malfunctioning revolvers that were turned in the first demobilization. The AUC is supposed to demobilize completely by 2006.
In the early morning of May 13, 2008 Thirteen high profile paramilitary leaders were taken from their jail cells in a surprise action by the Colombian government. According to Colombian Interior Minister Carlos Holguin they have been refusing to comply to the country's Peace and Justice law and are therefore extradited to the United States. Amongst them are Salvatore Mancuso, Don Berna, Jorge 40, Cuco Vanoy and Diego Ruiz Arroyave (cousin of assasinated paramilitary leades Miguel Arroyave). Colombian President Álvaro Uribe said immediately afterwards the United States has agreed to compensate the victims of extradited paramilitary warlords with any international assets they might surrender. The U.S. State Department said America’s courts can also help the victims by sharing information on atrocities with Colombian authorities.
Varsinkin kun Sole tietää kertoa tämän oikeistokaartin murhanneen jo 1980-luvulla 3000 valittua vasemmistopoliitikkoa pakottaen vapaussoturit takaisin aseisiin.
Ja Cano muistaa 1980-luvun, jolloin sissit laskivat aseensa, menivät politiikkaan, tulivat valituiksi.

Kun armeijaa tukevat AUC:n oikeistokaartit olivat tappaneet ainakin 3 000 valittua vasemmistopoliitikkoa, Farc tarttui jälleen aseisiin.
Paitsi AUC:n perustamisvuoden Wikipedia valehtee itse tapahtumista lisää täällä.
Citizen exhaustion due to the conflict's newfound intensity led to the election of president Belisario Betancur (1982-1986), a Conservative who won 47% of the popular vote, directed peace feelers at all the insurgents, and negotiated a 1984 cease-fire with the FARC at La Uribe, Meta, after a 1982 release of many guerrillas imprisoned during the previous effort to overpower them. A truce was also arranged with the M-19. The ELN rejected entering any negotiation and continued to recover itself through the use of extortions and threats, in particular against foreign oil companies of European and U.S. origin.

As these events were developing, the growing illegal drug trade and its consequences were also increasingly becoming a matter of widespread importance to all participants in the Colombian conflict.
The first negotiated cease-fire with the M-19 ended when the guerrillas resumed fighting in 1985, claiming that the cease-fire had not been fully respected by official security forces, saying that several of its members had suffered threats and assaults, and also questioning the government's real willingness to implement any accords.
On November 6, 1985, the M-19 stormed the Colombian Palace of Justice and held the Supreme Court magistrates hostage, intending to put president Betancur on trial. In the ensuing crossfire that followed the military's reaction, some 120 people lost their lives, as did most of the guerrillas, including several high-ranking operatives and 12 Supreme Court Judges. Both sides blamed each other for the outcome. This marked the end of Betancur's peace process.

Meanwhile, individual FARC members initially joined the UP leadership in representation of the guerrilla command, though most of the guerrilla's chiefs and militiamen did not demobilize nor disarm, as that was not a requirement of the process at that point in time. Tension soon significantly increased, as both sides began to accuse each other of not respecting the cease-fire. Political violence against FARC and UP members (including presidential candidate Jaime Pardo Leal) was blamed on druglords and also on members of the security forces (to a much lesser degree on the argued inaction of Betancur's administration). Members of the government and security authorities increasingly accused the FARC of continuing to recruit guerrillas, as well as kidnapping, extorting and politically intimidating voters even as the UP was already participating in politics.
Lisää Wikipedian valheita UP-sivulta:
The UP had some mixed electoral success. In the 1986 general elections (during which the indirect election of mayors, governors and other posts was still valid), it expected to gain 5 % of the vote, but received 1.4 %. This was enough for it to gain 5 seats in the Senate and 9 in the Chamber of Representatives at the national level, and 14 deputies, 351 councilmen and 23 municipal mayors at the local level.
Jaime Pardo, as the UP's candidate, came third in the May 1986 presidential race, with some 350,000 votes, 4.5 % of the total. Some observers suspected that the FARC had employed tactics such as kidnapping, extortion and assassinations to intimidate at least some of the voters in their areas of influence, actions which were interpreted as localized violations of the overall ceasefire. Some individual UP members were also accused of providing intelligence and material assistance to FARC fighters.

In the March 1988 elections (when the direct popular election of mayors, governors and others was formally introduced and implemented), the UP once again did not meet its original expectations, but was still considered by some observers to be the fourth most voted political party in Colombia, gaining 14 out of 1,008 mayoralties.
By 1987, the party's leadership began to be gradually but increasingly decimated by the violent attacks and assassinations carried out by druglords, proto-paramilitary groups and some members of the government's armed forces that acted together with the above, with what many observers consider as the passive tolerance (and in, some instances, the alleged collaboration) of the traditional bipartisan political establishment.
Also during 1987, the ceasefire between the FARC and the Colombian government gradually collapsed due to regional guerrilla and Army skirmishes that created a situation where each violation of the ceasefire rendered it null in each location, until it was rendered practically nonexistent.

In 1988, the UP announced that more than 500 of its members, including Jaime Pardo and 4 congressmen, had been assassinated to date. Unidentified gunmen later attacked more than 100 of the UP's local candidates in the six months preceding the March 1988 elections. An April 1988 report by Amnesty International charged that members of the Colombian military and government would be involved in what was called a "deliberate policy of political murder" of UP militants and others. The Liberal government of Virgilio Barco strongly denied this charge.

During this period, the mid-1980s to the early-1990s, deadly violence was also directed against mainstream politicians, such as the official Liberal presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán in August 18, 1989, M-19 presidential candidate Carlos Pizarro in April 26, 1990, Justice Minister Rodrigo Lara in April 30, 1984, and others, mainly by the actions of druglords and those in their employ. Liberal dissident Ernesto Samper was wounded during an assassination attempt on March 3, 1989, but survived the attack. Numerous car bombs and explosives were also regularly activated in several important Colombian cities, including the capital Bogotá, leaving hundreds dead and wounded.
The exact number of the victims is not clear. It is usually an accepted figure to state that allegedly some 2,000 to 3,000 of its members were murdered (the highest unofficial and unconfirmed estimates, irregularly employed by the FARC and a small number of analysts, speak of 5,000 or more.
The official legal representatives of a partial number of UP victims presented a concrete death toll of about 1,163 to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), of which 450 (38%) were attributed directly to paramilitary groups.
Näihin Wikipedian härskeihin Solen Oikeiden Tietojen kanssa pahasti ristiriidassa oleviin valheisiin olisi puututtava pikimmiten. Tämä on ehkä vähintä mitä Tasavallan rauhaarakastavat voisivat tehdä, jotta ei ihan häpeään jouduttaisi Saksan toverien silmissä (via).
[Raul] Reyes, the number two commander in the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), was killed on March 1 in a raid by Colombian forces just inside Ecuador.

Emails on his laptop show that in January 2005 he sent his son to Germany in a secret mission, Der Spiegel said in an article to be published Monday.

There his son met with members of the German communist party and with far-left politician Wolfgang Gehrcke, who offered to press the European Parliament to take the FARC off its list of terrorist organizations.

“It was a very positive meeting,” Der Spiegel quotes an email found on Reyes’s laptop. “We were able to substantiate several points to reactivate solidarity with the struggle of the Colombian people.”

[Lisäys: Unohtui mainita, että toki myös Solen ripeästi elpyvän maan Suuri Johtaja on jo tehnyt osansa.
They called him "Angel." He was the highest-ranking outside contact for the Colombian guerilla organization FARC. More and more details are now emerging that demonstrate the close relationship between Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and the jungle terrorists.
Mitähän muuten tälle australialaiselle bloggaajalle kuuluu? Palkattu Totuuteen?]

1 kommentti:

  1. Ei ..tana. Tuo ei enää ole huonoa journalismia vaan tahallista valehtelua ja propagandaa.

    Wikipedia-artikkelin tekijät pitäisi heti saada vastuuseen teoistaan.


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